Category Archives: Government

Growing Maryland

 By Barry Rascovar

Feb. 16, 2015 — If there is one area where Gov. Larry Hogan Jr. can sing “kumbaya” with Maryland legislators, it is economic development. The path has been blazed for him by the legislature’s Augustine Commission.

A year ago, top Democrats in the General Assembly recognized Gov. Martin O’Malley had badly dropped the ball on growing jobs in Maryland. So they assembled a commission, led by former Lockheed Martin CEO Norm Augustine, with the assignment of suggesting how to turn things around.

Commision Chair Norman Augustine

Commission Chair Norm Augustine

The group came up with 32 recommendations, all sensible and none of them novel. It won’t take much for the Republican governor and Democratic legislators to find agreement on most of those suggestions.

Underlying the bipartisan nature of the commission is the fact that Hogan’s new budget secretary, former Sen. David Brinkley, served on the panel alongside Republican Del. Wendell Beitzel. Two key Democratic chairmen, Del. Dereck Davis and Sen. Ed Kasemeyer, were on the commission, too.

Key recommendations:

  • Consolidate economic development programs, develop one-stop shops for businesses and put more emphasis on technology industries.
  • Reverse the state’s hostile, rule-enforcement approach toward businesses through customer-service training and a new, “what can I do to help” attitude.
  • Put state money into university-generated business development and address the needs of underperforming public schools.
  • Focus on unskilled high school graduates who need vocational training and apprenticeship programs.

One of the more shocking findings of the commission is that 44 percent of kids in Maryland public schools qualify for free or reduced-price lunches, and most of them come from minority families struggling to eke out a living.

The state’s public schools aren’t giving them the right kind of education. These kids graduate without the tools to find jobs. Their path up the economic ladder is blocked.

Unskilled and Unemployed

Even worse, there are jobs out there for them — some 132,000 currently unfilled positions in Maryland. Employers told the commission they simply cannot find in-state workers who possess the right technical skills.

This glaring mismatch between education preparedness and job qualifications is one of society’s neglected weaknesses. Educators haven’t addressed it. Neither have the politicians.

They are too focused on creating college-prepared students. Those from the lower rungs of education are left to flounder with few, if any, employable skills.

Quick Fixes

Hogan and legislators can start addressing this situation with some quick fixes.

Find a pot of money for the state’s community colleges, which already lead in offering job-training and apprenticeship programs. What’s missing has been a major financial investment from the state and local governments in these specialized skills courses.

The state also needs to offer local school systems extra funds if they bring back vocational education in a big way.

High school students should be pursuing career paths and job-readiness courses, especially those not interested in college.

Such an approach is sorely needed in low-performing districts like Baltimore City and Prince George’s County and in rural jurisdictions where employment opportunities are limited.

Singing in Unison

The good news is that both Hogan and Democratic leaders in the General Assembly are singing from the same hymn book.

An even better sign: The Augustine Commission concluded what’s really needed is “a cultural change” that depends “on leadership, not money.”

If each side fully commits to the objectives laid out by the panel, Maryland actually could make progress in growing its business base and creating a workforce that is job-ready.

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Hogan’s Continuing Campaign

By Barry Rascovar

Feb. 11, 2015 — When is Gov. Larry Hogan Jr. going to stop campaigning and get serious about governing?

He started on the right foot with his “placeholder” budget that lets him tread water till he wraps his arms about the state’s fiscal problems next year.

He followed the same approach with his State of the State address. In most respects, it was a bland, “placeholder” address.

But then he and his speechwriters lost their focus and started waving the Republican Party’s bloody flag during that speech rather than reaching out sensibly to Democrats.

Hogan addresses legislature

Gov. Larry Hogan Jr. addresses MD General Assembly

He said little that was new. There were no rhetorical flourishes. He offered no surprises or initiatives.

Instead, he reverted to campaign mode, re-hashing his partisan themes and denigrating the prior Democratic administration.

Everything Gov. Martin O’Malley did was placed in the negative. Larry Hogan and the Republicans are here to save Maryland!

No wonder Republicans applauded and Democrats responded with silence and growing anger.

Taxes are too high. We’re overregulated,. We need to get government off our backs. We’re anti-business. Maryland is in trouble. It’s headed in the wrong direction.

Sure, Maryland is beautiful. It’s citizens are hard working. But we’ve got to “get Maryland back on track.” Clearly Hogan thinks he knows how to do it.

Economic Turnaround

He pledged to turn Maryland’s economy around.

Who is he kidding?

Maryland is at the mercy of large, macro-economic trends and developments. He’s promising more than he can deliver.

Limited Role

Like any governor, Hogan can only nibble around the edges to make Maryland’s economy stronger and create jobs.

He is fortunate the national economy continues to show steady improvement. If that continues, Hogan will be the beneficiary. But he can’t claim he helped cause it.

His State of the State Address laid out a number of steps he wants to take in his first year, but few are realistic or achievable. They are far too partisan.

The worst aspect of his speech was the overwrought refrain about the dreadfully misnamed “rain tax.”

What an evil! Why, it’s almost sinful to ask counties to raise funds to prevent stormwater runoff from polluting the Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries.

Demanding an end to the “rain tax” is good Republican red meat.

The fact that the tax is pretty much voluntary already is irrelevant to Hogan. He’s in this fight for long-term political gain. He’s using this gambit to undercut Democrats.

He’s also making enemies in the General Assembly — powerful enemies he will need as friends in short order.

Democrats’ Response

There was few references to bridge-building in Hogan’s speech, or in the press conference he called to introduce his “rain tax” abolition bill. He was using tired campaign rhetoric.

No wonder Democratic leaders responded with coolness, followed by sharp criticism.

Then they delayed approval of his Cabinet appointments.

The battle lines are hardening far earlier than anticipated, and Hogan is to blame.

The new governor’s State of the State address was so short on specifics as to make it a useless document for determining how he intends to find common ground with the dominant political party in the General Assembly.

His “rain tax” remarks this week added fuel to the fire.

Hogan -- State of the State Hogan can win most of his budget fights with the legislature, but he is a sure loser on all other legislative matters if he doesn’t stop his partisan rants. He needs to figure out where he and House Speaker Mike Busch and Senate President Mike Miller are in agreement.

Delivering a budget that necessarily tightened the state’s purse strings was bound to cause ill will and anger. Hogan has done little since then to bridge the gap with Democrats.

In his State of the State address, Hogan pledged to “create an environment of trust and cooperation, one in which the best ideas rise to the top based upon their merit, regardless of which side of the political debate they come from.”

A week later, that remark seems a mere platitude.

Until Hogan drops the partisan politicking, his legislative agenda is dead in the water.

He’s got to start acting like a governor, not a candidate.

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Hogan’s ‘Deflategate’

By Barry Rascovar

Feb. 2, 2015 — Talk about an uneven fight! When it comes to shaping the Maryland state budget Gov. Larry Hogan Jr. is the pre-determined winner.

Gov. Larry Hogan Jr.

Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan Jr.

Think of the budget as a balloon. The governor decides how much air gets pumped into the balloon ($40 billion). Once this is done, the legislature can let out some air — but it can’t expand the size of the balloon at all.

This year the new Republican governor embarked on a truth-in-budgeting drive, eliminating much of Maryland’s underlying structural deficit with $1.3 billion in cuts.

In other words, Hogan presented the legislature with a dramatically smaller balloon to play with. And there’s nothing lawmakers can do to create a bigger budget balloon short of raising taxes — pretty much of a non-starter this year.

Hogan’s ‘Deflategate’

By taking a considerable amount of air out of former Democratic Gov. Martin O’Malley’s overinflated budget balloon of last year, Hogan created his own “deflategate” controversy.

While Maryland’s gregarious governor can’t be compared to the frowning Bill Belichick of the NFL’s “deflategate” kerfuffle, Hogan isn’t making Democrats in the General Assembly happy.

'Deflategate' Novelty

‘Deflategate’ Novelty

The Black Caucus wants Hogan to reconsider his cuts to education in key aid categories that overwhelmingly impact two of the state’s worst-performing school districts — Baltimore City and Prince George’s County. A number of smaller, rural counties received education cuts as well, angering local educators.

Even Senate President Mike Miller, who is attempting to remain on good terms with Hogan, said, “We’ve got to try to get more money in the classroom.”

Easier said than done, as the cagey Miller well knows.

New Reality for Democrats

Democrats are facing a new playing field. Hogan brings to the table decades of experience as a real estate salesman. He’s got definite ideas on how to run the state in a business-like manner. That begins with keeping spending under control.

Thus, his first budget contains fewer transfers and gimmicks than during the O’Malley years, or even the Ehrlich years. Hogan spread his budget cuts around, though education and health care — the top spending drivers — took the biggest hits.

Hogan also is seeking legislative approval to weaken the state spending mandates on education, health care and the environment, among others. He wants those mandates changed so that required funding grows at a slower rate than the state’s annual spending plan.

This is straight out of Economics 101 — make sure you don’t pay out more than you take in, and build in a cushion.

If Democrats follow Hogan’s request, Maryland’s underlying structural deficit could be on the road to elimination for a few years.

No Free Ride

But Hogan isn’t going to be given a free ride. Compromises on both sides are inevitable. The hit to education will be moderated and some other cuts will be, too.

With guidance from the Department of Legislative Services, lawmakers will make $100 million or more in budget cuts in other areas. They also could juggle fund accounts and transfers in a manner that creates more cash in the state’s general fund budget.

Budget Secretary David Brinkley

Maryland Budget Secretary David Brinkley

Give-and-take discussions with Hogan and Budget Secretary David Brinkley will likely lead to common ground. In the end, the hit to education won’t be as severe.

Lower Spending Mandates?

As to Hogan’s request to lower on-going spending mandates, the General Assembly may decide to take a firmer stand.

Democrats cannot totally rebuff Hogan’s request to re-write the spending mandates because they then would have to find the money to pay for this new funding — an impossibility without raising taxes.

More likely, lawmakers will meet Hogan halfway — reduce the annual, mandated growth contained in these spending formulas, but not as much as the governor wants.

The sad reality for lawmakers is that Hogan doesn’t need a permanent change in the spending mandates to carry out his fiscal belt-tightening.

Same Script, Same Results 

If necessary, he can follow the same budget script in 2016 and beyond as this year, leaving lawmakers with little recourse but to go along with Hogan after hammering out concessions.

Hogan wins either way.

Adjusting to this new playing field isn’t comfortable for Democrats, who are used to having the Democratic governor tack on a few more tax increases to pay for ever-growing, mandated payments to local governments and social programs.

Yet Hogan’s budget adjustments are far from Draconian. He’s practicing traditional, conservative economics without being vindictive or mean-spirited.

Democrats in Annapolis have little choice but to adapt. Their only weapons: Political negotiation and compromise.

Barry Rascovar’s blog can be found at www.politicalmaryland.com. He can be reached at brascovar@hotmail.com.

 

Hogan’s Placeholder Budget

By Barry Rascovar

Jan. 26, 2015 — Gov. Larry Hogan Jr. must be doing something right in his first few days in office because he’s got nearly everyone upset about his $40 billion budget.

Gov. Harry Hogan Jr.

Gov. Harry Hogan Jr.

Republicans and Democrats, liberals and conservatives, lobbying groups of all shapes and sizes are griping about parts of the new governor’s spending plan.

That’s a good thing: Hogan needed to dispassionately cut $1.25 billion to present a balanced budget, which meant making everyone uncomfortable.

In reality, this is a placeholder budget for Hogan. The more substantive and important task of analyzing Maryland spending and eliminating or paring down non-essential expenditures will be reflected in Hogan’s  budget a year from now.

‘Just a Start’

The new governor laid this out clearly on Friday:

“The presentation of this budget is just a start. We will have much more to do in the days ahead to redirect our state’s fiscal course. Programs must be examined. New debt must be managed prudently. Agencies must be consolidated. Mandates must become affordable. In short, the government must become efficient and practice fiscal integrity.”

Think about the sweeping nature of what Hogan is saying.

  • A top-down deconstruction and reconstruction of every nook and cranny of the state budget.
  • A major downsizing of Maryland’s overly ambitious — and ruinously expensive — bond and construction program.
  • Elimination of some agencies or departments as separate entities.
  • A major debate on changing existing spending mandates so they are affordable.

Plenty of dust-ups and angry disagreements are inevitable. It will start in the current General Assembly session with Hogan’s “mandate relief legislation.”

There are dozens of requests in this budget for legislative changes to reduce mandatory state spending. That will test the limits of Democratic cooperation with the new Republican governor. Budget balancing Hogan’s immediate challenge was to whip up a patch-work budget that repaired the fiscal damage outgoing Gov. Martin O’Malley left behind — a budgetary river of red ink.

Thanks to the wizardry of gubernatorial adviser Bobby Neall — an acknowledged master of the state’s budgeting process — Hogan was able to balance to state’s books without causing extreme harm to any needy group.

Instead, Neall and Hogan found ways to nip and tuck throughout state government and rein in aid to localities. Neall and Hogan ratcheted down state spending from 5 percent growth to 1.5 percent growth — a full two percentage points below slowing revenue forecasts.

Keeping growth well under the tax money flowing in will be a hallmark of the Hogan years.

Former Sen. Bobby Neall

Former State Sen. Bobby Neall

To balance the books, state employees will lose their 2 percent pay increase that started in January but which now will end in July. The workers’ unions aren’t happy.

Neither are environmentalists with Hogan’s bid to take $50 million from Program Open Space and not pay it back later. The Big Three jurisdictions — Baltimore City, Montgomery County and Prince George’s County — got hit hard with cuts to education aid. Yet so did smaller jurisdictions.

The counties also were upset with Hogan’s failure to increase local highway aid, which ended up getting cut. Hogan was an equal-opportunity, bipartisan budget-cutter.

Tough Road Ahead

The governor’s spending blueprint is, as he indicated, a starting point. Tough negotiations lie ahead with legislative budget leaders on ways to re-arrange some of the pieces to this fiscal puzzle.

With luck, there will be an upward revenue revision in March to ease some of the pain that Hogan imposed to get Maryland’s budget back in structural balance.

As Hogan noted, Maryland has been following “an unsustainable fiscal path” for a long time.

Even under Republican Gov. Bob Ehrlich, no lasting attempt was made to keep the general fund budget structurally balanced. In recent years under O’Malley, no attempt was made to reform out-of-control borrowing that is now leading to out-of-sight debt costs.

Fixing messy budget situations is never pleasant or easy.

It took an outsider with no elective government experience to bite the bullet.

Hogan has his work cut out to find middle-ground agreement on his budget fixes — but he is off to a solid start.

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Hogan’s Era of Good Feeling

By Barry Rascovar

Jan. 21, 2015 — At least for a brief moment, Gov. Larry Hogan Jr.’s Era of Good Feeling ruled Annapolis.

Hogan Inauguration

We’ll soon learn if his strong message of bipartisan harmony and mutual respect can survive the harsh reality of Hogan’s first, greatly diminished budget, which he’ll release Thursday.

Hogan’s inaugural, with snow flakes falling faster and faster as the event progressed, struck all the right chords.

“Dignity, respect and camaraderie” is what we expect from our public servants, said Jim Brady, who presided over the outdoor ceremonies on the State House steps and also ran Hogan’s transition team.

“Focus on things that unite us” and “work across party lines,” was how Lt. Gov. Boyd Rutherford put it.

“Compromise and consensus are not dirty words,” emphasized New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, who introduced the new Maryland governor and championed Hogan’s election.

Hogan’s Themes

“A rebirth of our spirit and common purposes,” is how the 62nd governor of the Free State expressed it. No more “wedge politics and petty rhetoric.” A “new beginning.” A “sense of optimism.” “Limitless possibilities.” “An environment of trust and cooperation” where ideas are acted upon “based on merit.”

All the right words. It was a typical inaugural, full of positives and good wishes.

Hogan came across as he always does: a down-to-earth fellow who wants to run government with the focus on efficiency and effectiveness, not political ideology. He repeatedly used the term “common sense” to describe how he will govern.

He quoted a Democrat (John F. Kennedy) and a Republican (Abraham Lincoln) to stress the need for a new approach in political Annapolis that sets aside differences and finds “middle ground.”

A Little Red Meat

There were a few digs sprinkled among the words of comity, especially when Hogan spoke of “rebuilding the forgotten middle class” and getting government “off our backs and out of our pockets” — red-meat Republican applause lines straight from his campaign monologue.

Once the celebrations are over late tonight, the real work begins. It won’t be pretty and it won’t be met with unified applause.

Hogan promised to set Maryland on a different course, one that re-shapes the bloated state budget in ways Democrats are likely to resist.

The Inauguration Scene

The Inauguration Scene

There is growing agreement even on the Democratic side that Maryland has been living beyond its means, that spending on programs is expanding faster than the tax receipts coming in.

But will lawmakers stand by idly as cuts are made to education and health care? Are they willing to forego mass transit lines? These are the kinds of questions intentionally left out of inaugural speeches.

Putting Maryland on a more sustainable fiscal footing is an admirable goal that could help Hogan meet his pledge to lower taxes. Yet it will be difficult to achieve in the short term and possibly even in the long term unless Hogan gets  a boost from the national economy.

On another front, Hogan can take early, unilateral steps to cut red-tape and bureaucratic regulations. It’s been needed for a long time. The push-back from special interests could be intense, though.

For a day, Larry Hogan’s vision of a less partisan, more practical state government in Annapolis held sway.

The Hogans and Rutherfords in the State House.

The Hogans and Rutherfords in the State House.

His unfailing optimism and ability to search for areas of agreement are his greatest assets. He’s taking a more accommodating track than Maryland’s last Republican governor, Bob Ehrlich.

So far, Hogan is off to a cheery and encouraging start.

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Gill to the Rescue?

 By Barry Rascovar

(A version of this column was published by CenterMaryland.)

Jan. 13, 2015 — For Gov.-elect Larry Hogan Jr., there’s no more important cabinet appointment than secretary of the Department of Business and Economic Development.

What happens on job-growth and business-growth are likely to determine the success, or failure, of the Hogan administration.

So there was a lot riding on last week’s choice of R. Michael Gill as DBED secretary. The response to date: overwhelmingly positive and complimentary. Hogan seems to have picked a winner.

Mike Gill

New DBED Chief Mike Gill

“He’s absolutely perfect for the job,” says former Sen. Frank Kelly, who served with Gill on the University System of Maryland Board of Regents.

“Mike has the most positive attitude of anyone I know. His enthusiasm is contagious. I think that’s what we need.”

Super-Salesman

Gill has a deep, abiding love for all things Maryland. He won’t have trouble “selling” the Free State to business prospects. It will come from his heart.

He’s a smart, personable super-salesman with a knack for retaining details about the people he meets. He’s quick on his feet, interesting to talk to and a true people-person.

Mike Gill has 32 years’ experience in information technology and wireless communication, starting with sales and marketing jobs at IBM, a fertile training ground.

He struck it rich by founding an early telecom wireless services and repair company (AMERICOM), but he also knows what it is like to take over a struggling technology company (Bluefire Security Technologies) and watch it flounder because its product was ahead of its time.

Gill is a master networker and civic presence, an investment banker (chairman of Evergreen Advisors) for middle-market companies and a never-give-up booster of state education institutions, especially his alma maters, Calvert Hall and Towson University.

Facebook Friends

The new DBED chief’s wide spectrum of acquaintances is reflected on his Facebook page, where “friends” are listed.

At the top is Hogan, followed by the state’s new insurance commissioner, Al Redmer, former state budget chief Chip DiPaula, and veteran Baltimore disc jockey Eddie Applefeld.

A second column lists University of Maryland Medical System vice president and lobbyist Mark Wasserman (a former DBED secretary), Towson real estate promoter Bob Latshaw, former Republican state chair and moving van mogul John Kane and business pal Ed Crawford.

Some are Democrats, though most are Republicans. Nearly all of them have important government experience and/or years of business know-how.

This symbolizes what Hogan is trying to achieve: Running government more like a business by turning to a mix of successful private-sector executives and entrepreneurs to light the way, along with folks possessing government management backgrounds.

Reviving DBED

Gill’s orders are to jump-start a moribund DBED weighed down for the past eight years by Gov. Martin O’Malley’s love-hate relationship with Maryland businesses. “Selling” Maryland was never at the top of his “to-do” list.

During those eight years, Maryland gained a reputation as a state where government was hostile to the private sector. No wonder O’Malley’s DBED secretaries proved lackluster.

It won’t be easy turning around the department and creating the sort of buzz that sparks corporate interest in moving jobs to Maryland.

If anyone can do it, though, it is Mike Gill.

Mike Gill

Keeping Spices at Home

He’s already waxing eloquent about retaining McCormick & Co.

Thanks to his decades-old relationship with McCormick, Mike Gill is well positioned to find a way to satisfy the Fortune 500 spice company so it will anchor its new headquarters near McCormick’s historic roots.

Gill has a wealth of knowledge about Maryland’s high-tech and bio-tech advantages and the state’s first-rate institutions of higher education.

North Carolina may have a Research Triangle, but Maryland has a Research Rectangle (NIH, UM’s flagship College Park campus, Johns Hopkins and UM’s professional schools and medical research campus in Baltimore).

Boston may have a Route 128 Technology Corridor, but suburban Washington has its own, high-powered I-270 Tech Corridor, which dominates Montgomery and Frederick counties.

Only Maryland has an emerging cyber-security corridor stretching from Fort Meade and NSA to Washington, D.C.

Combine this with business incentives Hogan is certain to propose from the State House, and DBED might start generating exciting news sooner rather than later.

No Desk Jockey

One of Mike Gill’s favorite quotes (from espionage mystery writer John Le Carre), goes like this:

“Behind the desk is a dangerous place to view the world.”

That is especially true in government, as Gill will discover. Too many State House leaders spend way too much time in meetings. Their daily schedules are chock full of paper-shuffling, conference calls and roundtable talkathons.

Gill insists on an outside-the-office routine, where he gets to know his staff intimately, learns from them about issues and problems and works cooperatively to find solutions.

It won’t be much different dealing with Maryland’s businesses.

As DBED secretary, Gill will be on the go constantly, searching for companies that appreciate Maryland’s quality of life and its vast potential, finding out what local firms need and offering start-ups guidance and hand-holding from economic development pros.

Mike Gill has been described by a business friend as “a man of action, not words.” That sounds like the right formula for DBED at this juncture.

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Hogan’s Heroes Arrive

By Barry Rascovar

Jan. 19, 2015 – The Changing of the Guard takes place in Annapolis this week: There will be a sharp course correction with the arrival of Hogan’s Heroes.

Hogan's Heroes Leader-Larry Hogan Jr.

Gov.-elect Larry Hogan Jr.

On Wednesday, Republican Larry Hogan Jr. takes the oath of office as governor, followed by the departure of former Democratic Gov. Martin O’Malley as he starts his quixotic quest for the highest office in the land.

On Thursday, Governor Hogan unveils his sharply reduced budget, which will be a shock to the system of Maryland Democrats.

Thus, the Hogan era begins.

Democratic interest groups will have to learn some new tricks.

The old way of bludgeoning a Democratic governor and Democratic legislature into submission won’t work.

Outdated Lobbying Methods

Massing hundreds, or thousands, of protesters on the State House steps used to do the trick when O’Malley was in power.

Hogan, though, could care less if the teachers union or the state workers union or the construction unions fill Lawyers’ Mall to overflowing or flood his office with form-letter emails.

Simply demanding more pay, more benefits, more school funds, and more social services won’t be helpful, either.

The new governor is approaching his job with a firm set of ideas on how to govern Maryland that is in marked contrast to the traditional Democratic method.

No longer will the state budget balloon to satisfy special interest groups within the Democratic Party. No longer will special-interest bills designed to mollify those same power bases within the Democratic Party hold sway on the second floor of the State House.

Businessman as Governor

Hogan takes a businessman’s approach to governing. He holds definite conservative views, but Larry Hogan is far from an extremist. He’s no friend of tea party fanatics. He’s not about to take Maryland back to the Stone Age.

That could be seen clearly in many of his appointments.

Hogan chose a well-rounded group of upper-level managers and advisers, including a good number of pragmatic, moderate Democrats with legislative experience, such as former Sen. Rona Kramer from Montgomery County, former Baltimore County Councilman Joe Bartenfelder, former Delegates Steve DeBoy and Keiffer Mitchell from the Baltimore area and former Delegates Van Mitchell and George Owings from Southern Maryland.

DeBoy in particular is an important choice, since he will be engaged in lobbying lawmakers on behalf of the Hogan administration. He’s a retired cop from Catonsville who was highly respected by fellow delegates for his friendliness, common-sense and conservative pragmatism.

Understanding Hogan

Many of the appointees have strong business backgrounds. That is the key to understanding Hogan’s mindset.

People with experience in business know the crucial importance of avoiding a deficit. You spend what you take in, and no more. You don’t expand services hoping that the economy soars. That is the path to bankruptcy.

Hogan won’t have much sympathy for teacher unions demanding ever-increasing amounts of school funding. That’s not how businesses work.

Hogan is going to take a jaundiced view of state worker union demands for pay increases and benefit gains every year. He knows that’s a sure way to drive a business to the brink of insolvency.

There will be plenty of pain as Hogan squeezes budgetary excesses out of Maryland’s funding programs. Businesses do that all the time. The goal is to build a leaner yet more effective company.

Losing Bad Habits

Hogan is almost certain to tell Marylanders that state government has gotten itself into bad habits: excessive borrowing; depleting all the government’s “piggy bank” accounts to paper over revenue shortages; shifting around funds; spending far more each year on education than revenues allow, imposing new taxes to cover up bureaucratic inefficiencies.

Righting the Ship of State in Maryland won’t be easy. The last Republican governor, Bob Ehrlich, rashly thought his charisma would be enough to win over doubting Democrats in the legislature.

Hogan was part of Ehrlich’s team. He saw the gridlock and ill will that resulted. He learned some painful lessons.

Centrist Politics

The new governor is a glad-handing, commercial land-development salesman and negotiator. Those skills will come in handy. He knows that the art of the deal involves compromise – on both sides.

Governing from the center is pivotal if Hogan is to succeed.

He can’t be a conservative ideologue, tea party libertarian or doctrinaire Republican. None of that will fly with a liberal General Assembly.

Hogan already has shown us he knows how to campaign as a Republican centrist. It proved wildly popular with voters in November.

If he can repeat that recipe as governor, Larry Hogan Jr. could be living in the governor’s mansion for a considerable length of time.

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Advice to New MD Legislators

 By Barry Rascovar

Jan. 13, 2015 — Attention, newcomers to the Maryland General Assembly. Welcome to Annapolis and its historic State House.

You’ve been through an orientation and culture shock is starting to set in. But don’t get too comfortable. Things are about to change in a BIG way.

Wednesday’s ceremonial events, with family and friends, will give way to the realities of the General Assembly. It’s not as easy as it seems.

Here is some pro bono advice for you, offered freely and without charge:

1. Play nice in the sandbox.

You can’t shake things up in Annapolis by picking fights, insisting you’re the only one with the answers and hurling insults.

Maryland’s state legislature is a place where good manners count. It’s been that way since Colonial days. The presiding officers take courteous behavior very seriously.

Make a mess in the sandbox and you’ll likely wind up in a political Siberia.

2. Be practical, not ideological.

Neither far-left Democrats nor far-right Republicans get very far in Annapolis unless they practice pragmatism and leave their philosophical straitjackets at home.

Nearly all the thousands of bills you deal with relate to problems that need fixing in order to help people. It’s a form of non-partisan constituent service. Put an ideological label on bills and you’re almost certain to see them trashed.

3. Be polite, even in opposition.

Rants and angry outbursts bring embarrassment and ostracism. Those with passionate far-left or far-right beliefs will be sorely tempted to lash out when things aren’t going their way.

Resist that temptation. Your colleagues appreciate thoughtful comments, even when they don’t agree.

4. Make friends, not enemies.

It’s a truism that your opponents today could well be the allies you need tomorrow for success on legislation. Learn how to operate within this closed environment, which means “friending” as many colleagues as possible — regardless of party affiliation.

5. Lower your expectations.

You may still be puffed up after winning elective office, but let’s face it: You’re a small fish in big pond — one out of 188 legislators with plenty of great white sharks swimming in your fish tank.

Legislators who promised voters sweeping changes once elected quickly discover this is an empty piece of campaign rhetoric. It means nothing in the State House. Settle for small victories because that’s all you can achieve.

6. Take things one step at a time.

Newcomers don’t realize how difficult it is to get a bill enacted. It takes months of intensive persuasion, brokering and maneuvering just to push your bill through your own chamber. Gaining assent from the other chamber within the 90-day session can be even trickier.

Don’t expect miracles. It may take years, not months, to get consensus on your bills. Patience counts.

7. Keep your ego in check.

Legislating is a team game, and as coaches like to say, “There’s no ‘I’ in ‘team.’ Those who play Lone Ranger, seeking to become a one-person legislature, don’t fare well.

Pomposity and self-promotion in Annapolis frequently result in stone-cold silence and isolation.

8. Network, network, network.

It works in business and in legislating. You will need all the help and advice you can get to be successful in Annapolis. Throw out a broad net and gain as many new acquaintances as possible. You never know when you’ll call on them at a crucial moment for assistance.

9. Never stop learning, or listening.

This is going to be an eye-opener. Just mastering the legislative process, Maryland-style, will take time. It is a vast learning experience.

You will be exposed to information about issues you never dreamed about. You will hear an endless array of viewpoints from citizens, much of it conflicting, on matters big and small.

Your job: Be a committed listener.

Hear what witnesses and advocates are saying. Absorb that information and slowly evaluate its importance. Be willing to hear from people on all sides of the argument.

Four years from now you’ll feel like you’ve gained a PhD. in human nature.

10. Try to persuade, not emote.

Logic wins in Annapolis. Verbal pyrotechnics grab headlines but they don’t change the outcome on votes. To do that, you have to make convincing arguments, you have to marshal your facts and data, you have to get those on the other side to engage in a dialogue.

While pontificating may be self-satisfying, it won’t advance your cause. More likely it will prove a setback.

11. Do you best work in committee.

The nitty-gritty on bills occurs at the committee level. That’s where hearings take place. That’s where your ideas and an opponent’s ideas on a bill collide.

Hearings drag on all afternoon and into the early evening. Debate may turn on substantive disagreements or minute  aspects of a bill. Hammering out a committee-approved compromise on hundreds and hundreds of measures isn’t pretty, but it is truly democracy in action.

Floor action is often pre-ordained. The committee’s work is usually respected and accepted. That’s where you need to expend your resources. Those who influence the shaping of bills do so in committee, not the House or Senate floor.

12. Solve problems, don’t create them.

Gridlock isn’t pretty and it isn’t productive. Voters hate it. Yet with a Republican governor and a Democratic legislature, gridlock is a possibility.

It happened in Bob Ehrlich’s administration and legislative veterans want to avoid a repeat under Gov.-elect Larry Hogan.

You can do your part by not dragging politics into the legislative equation. Amending and improving bills that attack societal problems is more about applying common sense than imposing an ideology.

Finally, a word of caution:  You’re not in Annapolis to transform the world. You’re there simply to make things a little bit better.

Now, go out and enjoy this unique experience few ever get to taste. But for goodness sake, don’t get carried away and don’t forget that the best things in life usually involve compromise.

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The O’Malley Years: An Assessment

By Barry Rascovar

Jan. 12, 2015 — One of the ironies of Martin O’Malley’s eight years as Maryland governor is that a progressive, liberal Democrat spent most of his time cutting budgets and raising taxes just to keep the ship of state afloat.

Gov. Martin J. O'Malley

Maryland Gov. Martin O’Malley

Another irony is that O’Malley started his tenure in 2007 by acting too slowly to stem a predicted tide of red ink in Annapolis. Now he is ending his second term by again responding too late to a huge, looming budget deficit.

However, when the history of the O’Malley years is assessed by scholars decades from now, what will stand out is the ease with which Maryland navigated the Great Recession — the nation’s worst economic decline since the 1930s.

The credit belongs to Martin O’Malley.

He eventually bit the bullet and did what Democrats hate above all else — he cut back on government services to the middle and lower classes, especially those who need a helping hand.

He found ways, though, to temper these hammer blows — shifting large sums from flush government accounts, borrowing heavily on the bond market, converting cash payments for farmland and Chesapeake Bay preservation into 15-year bonds and raiding the transportation fund.

Turning to Taxes

When that wasn’t enough, O’Malley taxed the wealthy, raised the corporate tax, raised the sales tax, raised the tobacco and alcohol taxes and, belatedly, the gasoline tax.

These weren’t popular moves, but it meant that social services for those without much money or with disabilities still could turn to Annapolis for assistance.

It still remains a mystery why O’Malley, who had weathered a host of fiscal storms as mayor of Baltimore for eight years, hesitated to recognize the brewing recession as he took office.

Legislative analysts already were predicting a future budget hole of $1.5 billion. Yet O’Malley ignored these forecasts.

Instead, in his first budget he hiked school construction handouts to a record $400 million, froze tuition for state college students by pouring extra funds into those institutions, and stripped the state’s Rainy Day fund of $1 billion to paper over Maryland’s financial woes until the economy improved.

Storm Clouds

Yet even as O’Malley’s initial budget was being passed, the state’s sales tax collections were declining along with other revenue sources. Loud alarms should have sounded in the governor’s suite.

Within months, O’Malley was forced to backtrack. He raised a slew of taxes, cut his initial budget requests and reversed his opposition to casino gambling.

The state’s worsening fiscal reality followed O’Malley throughout his two terms.

By the end, he was still unwilling to take proactive steps in mid-2014 to prevent what became an 18-month, $1.2 billion fiscal hole created by an agonizingly slow economic recovery and budget reductions coming from Washington.

Only in the past week did the governor seek $400 million in reductions so he could leave office with his final budget in balance.

Yet his last-minute actions did nothing to close the $800 million budget hole he bequeaths to Gov.-elect Larry Hogan, Jr.

Big Government

O’Malley’s budget hold-downs also were never meant to represent a permanent reduction in state government’s expanding role in Maryland society.

He is a strong believer in the good government can do for people. He wants to deliver more education help, more health care access, more social services for the state’s underclass and more aid to the counties and the middle class.

O’Malley’s faith in Big Government puts him on the far left of the Democratic Party’s spectrum. “Big things done well make even bigger things possible,” he said early in his first term. He still feels that way.

The governor certainly put his ideas into action.

  • He expanded health insurance in Maryland way before Washington acted.
  • He was quick to crack down on handgun and assault weapons sales in Maryland.
  • He fought vigorously to allow gay marriages in Maryland.
  • He raised the minimum wage.
  • He abolished the death penalty.
  • And he made it easier for children of immigrants to attend local colleges and universities.

Green Governor

He also won the hearts of environmentalists — another core group within the Democratic Party.

O’Malley raged against the “greed” of utility executives intent on selling Constellation Energy and demanded stiff concessions, including monetary support for wind and other alternative power sources.

He signed a super-expensive agreement to clean up the Chesapeake Bay.

He pushed through legislation providing a lucrative subsidy for off-shore wind farms.

He restricted the use of chicken manure as fertilizer on Maryland’s Eastern Shore.

He delayed approval of hydraulic fracturing of shale deposits for oil and natural gas drilling in far Western Maryland.

He promoted an aggressive “smart growth” strategy.

Low Points

Not all these steps were popular or successful.

The governor’s “rain tax” to stem excessive stormwater runoff ran into heated local opposition.

His failure to keep an eye on the terribly mismanaged Obamacare rollout remains a major black mark.

But overall, O’Malley leaves Maryland with a record of accomplishments that defines him as a progressive Democrat who largely delivered on his promises, despite governing in extraordinarily difficult economic times.

Political Powerhouse

As a politician, Martin O’Malley cobbled together a strong Democratic coalition throughout the state. He dominated political Maryland.

Yet he largely disappeared from last year’s gubernatorial campaign, refusing to defend his record. That was a huge mistake. Republican Hogan had a field day pummeling O’Malley, who was never there to rebut the charges.

Hogan’s easy victory on Nov. 4 signaled a sharp change in the state Democratic Party’s fortunes. The efficient statewide organization O’Malley had built crumbled.

The party lost much of its previous support in towns and communities beyond Baltimore City, Montgomery County and Prince George’s County. Without O’Malley, Maryland Democrats appear leaderless and in disarray.

On the National Stage

Now it is on to what O’Malley hopes will be much bigger things.

He’s actively exploring a run for president. A pipe dream? Tell that to Jimmy Carter or Bill Clinton — small-state governors who beat the odds.

O’Malley was far from an ideal governor, but he gave Maryland honest, intensely dedicated service. The state is better off than it was when he arrived in 2007 to take the oath of office.

Best of all, Marylanders of this generation will be able to tell their children and grandchildren that thanks to Martin O’Malley:

“We beat the Great Recession and lived to tell about it.”

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Dumb, Dumber and Dumbest

By Barry Rascovar

You might call them Dumb, Dumber and Dumbest. They have earned those titles for outrageously ignorant and beyond-the-pale actions as elected officials. Their names: Kirby Delauter, Richard Slutzky and Jack Young.

Judge for yourself which is Dumb, Dumber and Dumbest.

KIRBY DELAUTER

I am using his name in this blog without Kirby Delauter’s authorization.

Frederick County Councilman Kirby Delauter

Councilman Kirby Delauter, Frederick County MD

Who is this guy? Kirby Delauter was a Frederick County Commissioner for one term and before that served on the Thurmont Police Commission. He runs a Thurmont contracting company and was elected to the new Frederick County Council last year, representing District 5.

He claimed the right to exclude his name from media publications.

After the Frederick News-Post wrote about a juvenile spat involving Delauter over special councilmanic parking spaces, he responded by threatening the reporter: “Use my name again unauthorized and you’ll be paying for an Attorney.”

Huh?

Guess Delauter forgot about the First Amendment, i.e., freedom of the press. He also apparently isn’t aware of court decisions that make it clear Kirby Delauter, as an elected public official, is fair game for the media. You don’t need a permission slip from him to mention his name.

Delauter’s temper tantrum went viral around the world. He’s been mocked and made fun of by his local newspaper and folks all over the country.

No wonder he backed down, claiming he acted before thinking about the ramifications of his nasty missive to the newspaper.

He still owes the reporter an apology. He sought to bully and threaten her.

Nice move.

Now he has painted a bull’s eye on his back. From now on, when he sends an outrageous email or mouths off without thinking at a council meeting, it will be reported by the media.

What an embarrassment.

RICHARD SLUTZKY

Who knew members of the Harford County Council are prime terrorism targets?

Council President Richard Slutzky, Harford County

Council President Richard Slutzky, Harford County

Thanks to the council’s new president, Richard Slutzky, we’re fully aware of these unbeknownst dangers when a citizen walks to the dais to converse with a council member after a meeting.

Holy mackerel, imagine what terrorists have in store for the rest of us if they’re targeting Slutzky & Company!

No wonder Slutzky used his new-found power to ban reporters and citizens from approaching the dais. Apparently he feels that mingling with common folk or the media is too dangerous for an elected lawmaker in Harford County.

What might reporters be hiding in their pens and note pads? What might that citizen be concealing in her pile of papers?

It seems Slutzky dreamed this one up all by himself. It was a good excuse to avoid being pressed or asked uncomfortable questions about his remarks or votes. He apparently dislikes being accosted by angry constituents who disagree with him on local issues.

So he decided to waste taxpayer dollars by hiring a County Council spokesperson to serve as the mouthpiece for the county’s elected local legislators.

Want to get a comment from Slutzky? The spokesperson will respond for him.

Want to know why Slutzky voted a certain way on a bill affecting your neighborhood? The County Council’s spokesperson will come up with some blather so Slutzky doesn’t have to deal directly with upset constituents.

What a great idea! Isolate yourself and the council from the public and the media.

Wait a minute. Didn’t Anthony Brown employ that same tactic when he ran for governor last year?

It proved a disaster. Brown came across as aloof, arrogant and afraid of tripping over his own words if he had to deal with voters or reporters directly. He diverted all questions to a taxpayer-paid propagandist.

Slutzky apparently shares Brown’s distaste for direct contact — though a harsh negative response from Harford residents soon forced him to retract his ban on dais-approaching.

Slutzky’s idea of elevating the status of council members — and creating an unnecessary government post at a time of government austerity — so they don’t have to mess with common folk is not exactly the American Way. It’s not even the frugal Harford County Way.

JACK YOUNG

Here we go again.

First, Baltimore City Council President Jack Young abused his power and stripped a dissenting lawmaker, Councilwoman Rikki Spector, of all committee assignments.

Council President Jack Young, Baltimore City

Council President Jack Young, Baltimore City

It was a crass display of power and a clear sign Young craves total control of the City Council.

After all, Spector was the only one to oppose Young on two controversial bills to ban plastic grocery bags and force 3,000 city police officer to wear body cameras.

Forget the fact Young’s grocery bag ban was an ill-thought and counter-productive idea that accomplishes little. And forget that the council has no authority to dictate policy to the police department.

When Dictator Young speaks, he wants everyone on the council, without exception, to salute and vote as he commands. Winning 15-1 isn’t good enough for him.

Now Young is furious because the city Law Department told him he can’t remove Spector from the city planning commission as well. It seems that is the prerogative of the mayor.

Why did Young strip Spector of all substantive committee work? Because she “has not supported anything I have done for four years.”

Poor Jack Young. He just can’t stand it when someone disagrees with him all the time. He uses his power to mete out extreme punishment. Off with her head!

Young also thinks the answer is to hire his own lawyer to give the council president legal advice he wants to hear.

Yet even a hack lawyer hired to mouth the legal guidance Young desires would have trouble satisfying his narrow-minded boss on the aforementioned issues. Here’s why:

Police powers lie with Baltimore’s mayor, not the council.

Appointment powers to the planning commission lie with the mayor, too.

Read the law, Jack Young, it’s not beyond your capabilities.

Betcha don’t remember what Lord Acton said about folks like yourself: “”Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

***

There you have it: Dumb, Dumber and Dumbest.

How would you match this trio of elected officials with those three titles?