Category Archives: U.S.

The New, Nasty Larry Hogan

By Barry Rascovar

Aug. 3, 2015 — What happened to the friendly, smiling, easy-going Larry Hogan? Mr. Nice Guy has morphed into Mr. Nasty.

Gov. Larry Hogan

Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan poses at Baltimore City Detention Center. (AP)

Perhaps he’s spent too much time with his pal, New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, the combative presidential hopeful with the mouth that roars.

Perhaps his new Kojack look, as well as his grueling chemotherapy sessions, help explain what’s going on.

Or maybe it’s just a recognition by Maryland’s Republican governor that tough talk and decisive action go over well with his conservative-to-moderate constituents. Excoriating hapless, fumbling Democrats and going it alone make you look like John Wayne riding to the school marm’s rescue.

Whatever the reason, Hogan has taken a turn down a dark alley. It may lead to a promising political future but from a governing standpoint it could turn into a disaster.

Alienating Democrats

In less than nine months, Hogan has managed to offend or alienate much of the Democratic elected leadership in Maryland. He has:

  • Immediately shuttered the disgraceful Baltimore City jail and detention center without even bothering to inform local officials, judges or prosecutors — or provide any details about how this is feasible.
  • On an impulse, unilaterally re-opened the old Senate Chamber in the State House while the prime mover in this historic restoration, the Democratic Senate President, was out of the country.
  • Punitively eliminated $2 million in renovations for an arts center cherished by the Democratic House speaker.
  • Slashed education aid to Democratic strongholds, then reneged on a compromise.
  • Killed the Baltimore region’s rapid rail Red Line without any backup plan.
  • Stripped to the bone the state’s contribution for the Washington area’s rapid rail Purple Line, them squeezed two counties for $100 million more.
  • Shifted all the money saved to rural and exurban road and bridge projects.
  • Named a commission to do away with regulations and made sure the member solidly pro-business and Republican.

In nearly every case, Hogan’s made it clear he’s the act-now, think-later governor of Maryland who doesn’t need to consult with Democratic lawmakers or local officials who might offer valuable input. That would complicate matters.

It’s his party and he’ll do what he wants.

Hogan is giving the public what it wants: Simplistic, quick answers to difficult, highly complicated problems. It’s also how he campaigned for governor.

Sort of reminds you of Donald Trump, doesn’t it?

Fixing the Mess 

Here’s the catch: If easy solutions could fix government’s worst dilemmas, they would have happened long ago.

If simply closing the Baltimore City jail and detention center could solve that jurisdiction’s incarceration and detention nightmare, that step would have been taken by Republic Gov. Bob Ehrlich or Democratic Gov. Martin O’Malley.

Governor Hogan and Corrections Secretary Moyer at jail-closing announcement.

Governor Hogan and Corrections Secretary Moyer at jail-closing announcement.

Hogan’s quick action at the Baltimore jail opens a new can of worms. You can’t mix people awaiting trial with convicted felons, but that’s apparently the plan. How do you tend to the medical and transportation needs of 1,000-plus former city jail inmates about to be spread among other state prison facilities? Where’s the intake center for new arrivals?  Are you overwhelming nearby state prisons? Will the state face additional, unwinnable ACLU lawsuits?

Hogan says he won’t build a replacement city jail. That would make Baltimore unique in the United States. How is this going to work? Hogan is mum on that point. What does he know that other correctional expert don’t?

The city jail announcement came with gratuitous, nasty and factually inaccurate swipes at  O’Malley. It sounded like a re-hash of Hogan in last year’s campaign.

Nor did the Republican governor spare Democratic legislators from his wrath. Then again, he displayed a stunning lack of preparation: He admitted he hadn’t read a detailed report from a special legislative commission on handling Baltimore’s chronic jail/detention situation.

Another Agnew?

Hogan is playing to his political crowd: angry white men and women — most with limited education — that Spiro Agnew appealed to. If the governor continues along this combative line of attack, he could well become a talked-about contender for the Republican vice presidential nomination, just like Agnew.

We live in an era of presidential campaigning dominated by sound bites, blunt talk, insults and easy answers. Hogan seems to be following that path, too.

The difference is that presidential candidates don’t have to govern. Hogan does, and he has now made that part of his life far more difficult. Maryland could be in for at least three years of government gridlock in Annapolis. It may not be pretty or helpful for Marylanders, but it could well serve Larry Hogan’s political purposes.

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The Debtor President

By Barry Rascovar

July 20, 2015 – Should we elect as president a candidate who can’t seem to handle his own family’s finances?

Presidential Candidate Martin O'Malley

Presidential Candidate Martin O’Malley

Martin O’Malley, presidential contender and former Maryland governor, ran up $339,000 in college education debt for just two of his four children – a staggering amount – on an annual family income that easily topped $300,000.

The O’Malleys lived for eight years in a rent-free mansion where all meals and other household expenses were picked up by the state. They had no mortgage payments to make. They were driven everywhere in state-owned cars by State Troopers. They didn’t have to pay for gas, insurance or car repairs.

Given their minimal living expenses, why couldn’t the former governor and Judge Katie O’Malley contribute more of their hard-earned paychecks (and Martin’s pension as Baltimore mayor) to pay down their daughters’ college loans?

With two more children approaching college age, it’s possible the O’Malleys’ college debt soon could exceed $500,000 or $600,000.

Checkbook Juggling

That doesn’t say much about Martin O’Malley’s ability to balance his family’s checkbook without going heavily into debt – even on a two-income figure that most couples only dream about.

Would you trust a debtor presidential candidate to take on the far more arduous task of handling the federal government’s heavily out-of-balance budget?

What kind of message does this send to voters if Candidate O’Malley had to load himself down with IOUs to make ends meet despite a hefty family income?

To critics, it’s indicative of the kind of state government O’Malley ran, in which he repeatedly sought more and more social spending even though he was driving Maryland deeper and deeper into a sea of red ink.

By the time the Democratic governor left office, his replacement, Republican Larry Hogan Jr., said he was facing a $1.3 billion gap between spending and incoming revenue.

O’Malley was able to paper over the state’s structural deficit most years by raising taxes – dozens of fee and tax hikes. But with a family budget, you can’t turn to that kind of legerdemain.

A Catholic Education

It is entirely understandable that Mr. and Mrs. O’Malley, devout Catholics, want to give their children a solid parochial education. That costs a pretty penny in Baltimore’s private schools.

Plenty of parents make that same choice knowing it will place them behind the financial eight-ball for decades. It is a sacrifice they feel is worth the pain to ensure their kids receive quality schooling that includes religious instruction.

College is a totally different matter.

The O’Malleys let their daughters select high-cost, out-of-state campuses – Georgetown and the College of Charleston. Premier institutions, no doubt.

Georgetown University

Georgetown University

Yet with the O’Malleys still sending two sons to parochial schools and then onto college, didn’t it dawn on them that they were digging a hole of future debt that could prove embarrassing and keep them paying off loans for the rest of their lives?

It was not a smart move financially.

Homeland Heaven

The O’Malleys moved out of the Annapolis governor’s mansion in January and into a four-bedroom, 1928 lake-view house in Baltimore’s toney Homeland community they bought for $549,000. They put down $65,000 in cash and took out a whopping $494,000 mortgage, according to federal filing reports.

That brings the couple’s debt burden – education loans plus mortgage – to $833,000. If their two sons also get to select expensive out-of-state schools, the O’Malley debt load could top $1 million.

As has been pointed out by MarylandReporters’ Len Lazarick, the former governor and District Court judge could have invested a chunk of their salaries in Maryland’s college tuition savings plan to offset higher-education expenses. If the parents had put their foot down and insisted their children attend in-state public universities and colleges, the couple probably could have paid those tuition bill out of their bank accounts.

That’s not exactly a ringing endorsement of Maryland’s four-year public institutions by a Maryland governor – even though there are numerous gems to choose from, such as St. Mary’s College, UMBC, the flagship University of Maryland College Park campus, and well-regarded schools in Frostburg, Towson and Salisbury.

Voter Perception

If Martin O’Malley eventually becomes a legitimate contender for the Democratic presidential nomination (at this point he’s being heavily outspent and out-polled by Hillary Clinton and Sen. Bernie Sanders), his questionable handling of his family‘s education finances could become a legitimate bone of contention.

Sure, our children deserve a chance to gain a high-caliber education, even it is requires the parents to dig deep into their pockets. But like everything in life, there are limits to what that sacrifice should entail.

O’Malley hasn’t used good fiscal discipline in dealing with his family’s education expenses. Does this put a damper on voters’ perception of him as a viable presidential contender?

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Shamelessly Scoring Political Points

By Barry Rascovar

June 25, 2015 — What can Martin O’Malley do to become competitive in the race for the Democratic presidential nomination?

O'Malley campaigning

Presidential candidate Martin O’Malley campaigning

Issue profound position papers on issues of the day? That’s not his style.

Announce impressive lists of endorsements of his candidacy? The names aren’t there.

Pull off headline-grabbing stunts? Now we’re getting there.

Why else would he send an email to supporters and the media a day after the dreadful racial killings in South Carolina headlined, “I’m pissed”?

Why would he start the next three sentences with that same epithet?

Getting Noticed

Drawing attention to O’Malley’s still lagging candidacy was the whole idea. Surprise people with your profanity. Get them to notice.

Well, it worked — somewhat.

The former Maryland governor and Baltimore mayor’s stunt gained space in the New York Times — a six-paragraph article headlined, “An Angry O’Malley Calls for an Assault Weapons Ban.” It began this way:

“Using an off-color word to describe his anger, Martin O’Malley, a Democratic candidate for president, called for a new national assault weapons ban and other gun control measures in an email sent to supporters after the shooting deaths at a South Carolina church this week.”

Mission accomplished!

Being “pissed” got O’Malley his brief, passing moment in the spotlight. He highlighted his positions and accomplishments on gun control, though his rush to capitalize on the South Carolina killings made him look rash, opportunistic and foul-mouthed.

Muting the Message

Others in the presidential race, like Hillary Clinton and Jeb Bush, expressed sympathy and muted their political messages while friends and families in Charleston were still in shock from the tragic church killings.

Not O’Malley. For him, it’s all politics, all the time.

It isn’t the first time he’s used crassness, or even direct insults, to make a political point.

When then-Mayor O’Malley was feuding with the city’s African-American state’s attorney, Patricia Jessamy, over the slow pace of criminal prosecutions in Baltimore, he went on a profanity-laced tirade before reporters, skewering Jessamy: “She doesn’t even have the goddamn guts to get off her ass and go in and try this case, and I’m tired of it.”

To say this offended African-American women voters is putting it mildly.  O’Malley was being uncouth, immature and disrespectful. He also distorted the facts.

Stick Figures

On another occasion, O’Malley’s furor over lagging court trials resulted in the mayor submitting a demeaning 10-point plan to Maryland’s top judge — the state’s first African-American chief judge — Robert Bell. It contained stick figures to illustrate how O’Malley’s fast-trial program would work.

Insulting? You better believe it. Intentional? Darned right. Offensive? That was the idea.

O’Malley is no shrinking violent. Sometimes he lets his Irish get the better of him, but usually there is motivation behind his rude behavior.

This time, though, he missed the mark, He came off looking juvenile and un-presidential.

At the moment, O’Malley’s poll numbers are terrible. Even after declaring his formal candidacy, even after constant appearances on TV news programs, even after hurling profane invective in his emails, the candidate is at the very bottom of the list in presidential polls, scoring an embarrassing one percent.

Why?

Perhaps it’s because O’Malley is showing he’s not yet ready for prime time.

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Presidential Dreamin’

By Barry Rascovar

June 1, 2015 — What a surprise. . . . Martin O’Malley is running for president.

Gov. Martin O'Malley

Martin O’Malley

It’s now official but it hardly was a secret Maryland’s former governor and Baltimore’s former mayor would be spending the next nine months trooping around Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina and other key Democratic primary states.

At the moment, he’s a long, longshot. Ireland’s largest bookmaker, Paddy Power, puts O’Malley’s chances at 25-to-1. (Let’s hope he plucked some four-leaf clovers when he visited the Old Sod recently.)

That’s better than the odds on Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders (33-to-1) or former Virginia Sen. Jim Webb (50-to-1), but they’re not O’Malley’s problem.

Climbing to the Top

Mount Hillary is the former governor’s Mount Everest of a challenge. Hillary Clinton is given an even-money chance of winning the presidency by Paddy Power. (Her closest rival, according to the bookmaker, is Republican Jeb Bush. His odds are 7-to-2.)

The latest (May 28) Quinnipiac Poll shows Clinton with 57 percent of the Democratic primary vote. O’Malley is a whopping 56 percent points behind.

Sanders registered a respectable 15 percent, Vice President Joe Biden (who may not even become a candidate) had 9 percent of the Democratic vote, and O’Malley was tied at 1 percent with Webb and former Rhode Island Governor and Senator Lincoln Chaffee.

Clearly, Martin O’Malley has a huge, almost impossible, challenge in front of him.

But we’re talking politics, here, not statistical mathematics. Anything can happen. And sometimes does.

Remember 1976, when a little-known ex-Georgia governor surprised everyone and not only won the Democratic nomination but went on to defeat President Gerald Ford?

Jimmy Carter was such a no-name that when he campaigned in Annapolis in the summer of 1975, I wrote him off after listening to him deliver a mundane speech to a dozen or so retired officers at the Naval Reserve Club.

So much for my crystal-ball abilities.

That Arkansas Governor

And remember when a former Arkansas governor came from behind to defeat the likes of Iowa Sen. Tom Harkin and Massachusetts Sen. Paul Tsongas to win the Democratic presidential nomination?

Bill Clinton even lost the Maryland primary to Tsongas, 43-36 percent, but ran the table in southern primary states.  He went on to defeat a sitting president, George Herbert Walker Bush.

In politics, miracles can happen.

It takes high-voltage energy, intestinal fortitude, the guts of a burglar, a solid record in government, a strong message and the determination to succeed no matter how bleak the situation.

O’Malley has all those attributes. He proved that when he ran for mayor of Baltimore in 1999 as a distinct underdog — the only white candidate in a minority-majority city. He shocked a lot of people by putting together a flawless campaign and winning fairly easily.

Then in 2006, O’Malley took on an incumbent governor, Republican Bob Ehrlich, and beat him convincingly.

But running a successful presidential campaign is in another, elite category — especially when you’re running against an overwhelming favorite whose husband remains the most popular politician in the nation and who would be the first woman to hold the country’s highest office.

Unknown to Voters

Hillary Clinton’s name recognition is near-100 percent. O’Malley’s is near-zero outside of certain political circles.

But O’Malley has the edge in actually running a large government bureaucracy, first in Baltimore and then in Annapolis. He has dealt with the tough urban issues and fiscal crises; he has crafted liberal legislative agendas and then negotiated his way to victory.

He is from a younger, more energetic generation than Hillary Clinton. He can even strum and sing his way to the presidency, if need be.

On the minus side, O’Malley will have trouble outliving has “zero tolerance” policing tactics he instituted in Baltimore as mayor. While mass arrests for petty crimes did, indeed, bring down the city’s crime rate, it embittered generations of blacks who took out their anger in a wave of civil unrest this April.

Zero tolerance is offensive to most liberal Democrats, and O’Malley may have trouble explaining his past support for that policing policy.

He also could have difficult explaining the dozens of taxes he imposed on Maryland citizens during his eight years as governor. By the time O’Malley left office, his unpopularity stemmed from his reputation as a relentless proponent of tax increases.

Republican Larry Hogan was elected governor last year by running successfully against O’Malley’s heavy-handed tax record. While this may not be a major detriment for O’Malley during the primaries, it could kill his chances of winning in a national general election.

At the moment, O’Malley’s candidacy seems hopeless. But what if Hillary Clinton has health problems (she’s already had one blood clot)? What if the “get Hillary” media and right-wing frenzy persuades her to withdraw?

What If. . .?

Or what if O’Malley’s solidly far-left agenda gains momentum in the early primaries among Democratic voters and he becomes the cover-boy favorite of the media and liberal interest groups?

It’s also likely that O’Malley has a back-up plan: Campaign like crazy throughout Iowa and New Hampshire, but if Clinton still buries him in an avalanche of votes, gracefully withdraw.

Then declare your abiding support for Hillary and fanatically campaign for Clinton around the country as  a surrogate.

Under this backup plan, O’Malley would aim for presidential elections in 2020 or 2024. He’d still be a relatively youthful (for a president) 56 or 60.

At the moment, O’Malley isn’t held in high regard in his home state. It’s not even certain he could win the Maryland primary.

Both U.S. senators and most of the state’s Democratic establishment are gung-ho backers of Hillary Clinton. The Clinton family is beloved in the state’s African American communities — a pivotal component in any Democratic primary.

Yet we’re nearly a year away from that election in Maryland. O’Malley has plenty of time to improve his position — and hope that the front-runner makes some fateful mistakes.

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Barry Rascovar’s blog is www.politicalmaryland.com. He can be reached at brascovar@hotmail.com.

Heartbreaking Failure of Leadership

By Barry Rascovar

May 4, 2015 — Baltimore deserves better. The citizens of Charm City, black and white, dutifully worked for decades to overcome obstacles of urban decline, including poverty and joblessness, with the goal of creating a thriving neo-urban, multi-racial environment attractive to residents and employers.

Those intent on achieving that dream have suffered a heartbreaking setback.

Failure of Leadership

Baltimore’s younger generation of African Americans decided anger and violence were more important than taking constructive steps toward empowerment.

They seized on a failure of leadership at multiple levels and drove their inflammatory actions, like a spear, through Charm City’s armor.

Partial Responsibility

The roots of this civil unrest will be analyzed for decades.

One obvious flash point could become a bone of contention in the Democratic presidential campaign. Another could dominate next year’s election for mayor.

History may record that both Martin O’Malley and Stephanie Rawlings-Blake, mayors past and present, bear partial responsibility for what went wrong in Baltimore over the last week.

O’Malley, who has set his sights on the U.S. presidency, won election in 1999 to Baltimore’s top position with the courageous support of Rawlings-Blake’s father, Del. Howard “Pete” Rawlings, one of the most influential power brokers in the Maryland General Assembly and a staunch defender of black Baltimore.

The O’Malley mayoral campaign of 1999 centered on the need for tougher police enforcement after eight years of a failed community policing policy under Baltimore’s first elected black mayor, Kurt Schmoke.

Indeed, O’Malley made a name for himself on the Baltimore City Council as a persistent critic of the soft, ineffective policing tactics put in place by Commissioner Thomas Frazier.

Discontent with Violence

Baltimore is a heavily African American city. For a white to win the city’s top elected post speaks volumes about the discontent with the violence and rising crime rate in 1999. Pete Rawlings’ endorsement of O’Malley over two major black contenders proved pivotal.

Martin O’Malley came into office promising a tough law-and-order stance that would deter crime. He initiated a zero-tolerance approach based on New York City’s successful “broken windows” theory — go after petty crimes, such as vandalism or a broken window, and it would prevent more serious criminal action. Young blacks simply congregating on street corners ended up in jail on suspicion of drug dealing.

Over 100,000 arrests were made one year (in a city of 650,000). O’Malley also embraced New York City’s statistical analysis, renamed Citistat, to pinpoint crime hotspots.

The two initiatives led to a dramatic drop in law-breaking. At the time, O’Malley was lauded for his tough stance that seemed to have made Baltimore safer. It also eased the way for his reelection as mayor.

Residue of Anger

But zero-tolerance sowed the seeds of discontent and bitterness among young black men. Much of the fury expressed on the city’s streets last week flowed from those mass-arrest sweeps and the targeting by police of young blacks during the O’Malley years.

His tough-on-crime approach as mayor stands in stark contrast to O’Malley’s current attempt to position himself as the ultra-liberal alternative to Hillary Clinton. Indeed, zero-tolerance policing is the antithesis of what Democratic liberals believe in.

His hard line on law enforcement could well dog O’Malley during presidential campaign debates and interviews.

His successor as mayor, Sheila Dixon, quickly discarded O’Malley’s zero tolerance strategy in favor of a more humanizing law-enforcement tool — increased on-the-street patrols and closer affiliation with community groups.

O-Malley and Rawlings-Blake

Mayors past and present in happier times

Rawlings-Blake has continued that less confrontational approach to policing.

Some now contend the mayor’s permissiveness on that first night of clashes encouraged young blacks to engage in looting, arson and attacks on policemen and firefighters knowing there would be no crackdown.

In hindsight, the mayor’s critics may have a point. But on-the-spot decisions are easily faulted after the fact.

No Rapid Response

Rawlings-Blake will be dogged over the next year and a half by those who point to her failure to go after the miscreants immediately — before the violence got out of hand.

Her mystifying refusal to request help from Gov. Larry Hogan Jr. in the critical hours leading up to the outbreak of lawlessness now looks like a tragic mistake. Her standoffishness from the governor since then defies explanation.

Prior to last week’s upheaval, Rawlings-Blake looked like an easy winner in next year’s mayoral election.

That’s no longer the case — especially with the hero-worshipping status accorded Baltimore’s new state’s attorney, Marilyn Mosby, who rushed to charge six police officers with a kitchen sink of wrondoing.

Winning convictions may prove infinitely harder, though, which could color the public’s perception of Mosby in the months ahead.

Former Mayor Dixon looms as a potential contender, too.

Clearly, Rawlings-Blake has some serious repair work to do politically, once things return to normal in Baltimore, if she hopes to remain in the mayor’s office for another term.

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Barry Rascovar’s blog is www.politicalmaryland.com. He can be reached at brascovar@hotmail.com.

Madaleno Crosses the Line

By Barry Rascovar

April 2, 2015–If only it had been an April’s Fool joke — but it wasn’t. Instead, a highly regarded Maryland state senator, who happens to be gay, got carried away with his anger over a discriminatory Indiana law and dragged the governor’s wife unwillingly into the conversation.

Sen. Richard Madaleno went too far. He crossed the line. His letter to the governor was hurtful to an innocent bystander.

State Sen. Richard Madaleno

State Sen. Richard Madaleno

Madaleno lost his credibility, and his argument, as soon as he dragooned Gov. Larry Hogan’s wife, Yumi, into his pitch for the governor to ban travel by state officials to Indiana.

Yumi Hogan, Madaleno wrote, could be subjected in Indiana to “public humiliation” under the new law and refused service by a business because she is a divorcee.

Spouses as Fair Game

It’s ludicrous statement. Worse than that, it unfairly makes a spouse fair game in rough-and-tumble political controversies.

How would Madaleno like it if the governor made a disparaging remark about the senator’s gay partner during a heated political debate?

It is unacceptable. Period.

Senate President Mike Miller did the right thing by telling senators “we don’t mention other people’s spouses in any type of correspondence — their spouses or children.”

Senate President Mike Miller

Senate President Mike Miller

Madaleno knows better.

He harmed his cause and his effectiveness in the State House. While his intentions were pure, his recklessness proved counter-productive.

Hogan rejected the senator’s letter as a “stunt.” He didn’t even bother reading beyond the offensive statement about his wife, who was needlessly reminded of a painful chapter in her life.

Rich Madaleno is respected for his fiscal expertise. He plays a major role in the legislature’s all-important budget deliberations.

Hurting Constituents

Now, though, he’s persona non grata on the second floor of the State House. The governor isn’t going to accommodate his requests or give his statements much credence. He’s damaged his ability to help Montgomery County constituents.

The senator is right to protest loudly Indiana’s deeply disturbing and un-American law that sanctions discrimination (especially since more conservative states are following suit).

But in his haste and emotional distress, Madaleno made a mess of his message.

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Bob McDonnell’s History Lesson

Shades of Marvin Mandel

By Barry Rascovar

Sept. 15, 2014 — You’ve got to pity Bob McDonnnell, former Virginia governor and recently convicted felon. He never learned from the political-corruption history of Virginia’s neighbor to the north, Maryland.

Had McDonnell familiarized himself with the trials and legal tribulations of Maryland Gov. Marvin Mandel (1969-1978), he might have avoided the ethics lapses and quid pro quo exchanges of gifts and cash that did in McDonnell and his wife, Maureen.

Bob and Maureen McDonnell

Bob and Maureen McDonnell

Indeed, the similarities between the McDonnell and Mandel sagas are stunning:

  • Both men were highly popular, successful governors.
  • Both were dogged by federal prosecutors pursuing complex public corruption and bribery cases.
  • Both prosecutions stemmed in large part from marital discord and payoffs to the spouses.
  • Both cases involved governors whose bank accounts were seriously depleted even as they faced ballooning expenses
  • Both cases led to humiliating, intimate public disclosures about the two governors’ personal lives and weaknesses.
  • Both involved payments of cash, fancy clothing, trips and other luxuries in exchange for government actions that would enrich their friends.
  • Both involved incredibly weak government codes of ethical conduct.
  • Both men maintained to the end their complete innocence.
  • And both cases rested on the fuzzily defined notion that the public is entitled to “loyal and honest services” from its elected leaders.

Improper Gifts

The McDonnells were convicted Sept. 4 of receiving improper gifts and loans from a Virginia businessman peddling a miracle vitamin pill. In return, the businessman gained access to state health officials and other key individuals who could help him, thanks to the McDonnells’ direct efforts.

Mandel was found guilty in 1977 of receiving from friends cash, an expensive wardrobe, jewelry for his wife, valuable waterfront land and interest in an office building in exchange for his help in gaining lucrative thoroughbred racing days.

Mandel “loved beyond his means,” as the late Mary McGrory brilliantly put it.

Marvin Mandel with second wife, Jeanne

Marvin Mandel with second wife, Jeanne

He split from his loyal wife in a highly publicized and messy move (she refused to vacate the governor’s mansion; he lived in a hotel) so he could marry his longtime paramour.

It turned out Marvin Mandel couldn’t afford the divorce settlement or his new wife’s expensive lifestyle without help from his wealthy business friends — who even connived with a Catholic religious order that lent Mandel the divorce money.

The governor’s “thank you”: He dropped his opposition to a doubling of racing days at the Marlboro track (from 16 to 32). Marlboro had just been bought (in secret) by his friends.

Mandel followed up with strenuous arm-twisting to pass legislation giving Marlboro an additional 62 days of racing. A rinky-dink harness track would suddenly morph into a major-league thoroughbred track with 94 racing dates.

‘Serious Mistakes’

To this day, Mandel denies wrongdoing. “I said then, and I say now, that I never did anything illegal as governor of Maryland,” he wrote in a book he penned at age 90.

Mandel’s appellate lawyers cleverly defined his actions as, at worst, “a non-criminal scheme of non-disclosure.”

The trial judge, Robert Taylor, disagreed. “You made some serious mistakes,” Taylor said.

Mandel went to federal prison in Florida, was pardoned by President Ronald Reagan and had his conviction later overturned on a technicality (prosecutors had stretched the legal interpretation of federal racketeering and mail fraud laws too far).

The incriminating evidence — and there was plenty of it — was never disputed.

Cash Poor Governor

This brings us back to Bob McDonnell — politically rich, but cash poor.

He couldn’t afford his daughter’s over-the-top wedding and his wife’s outrageously expensive gowns without help from an exceedingly generous businessman who befriended them in exchange for — he hoped — state endorsement of his miracle vitamin pill.

Like the Mandel trial, which exposed backstage maneuverings by friends to extricate Maryland’s governor from a strained marriage and keep him happy, the McDonnells’ courtroom drama in Richmond revolved around their family soap opera.

Maureen McDonnell was portrayed as an out-of-control shrew, demanding more and more largesse from her financially strapped, henpecked hubby. He threw her under the bus, essentially blaming her for the whole mess.

And, of course, he denied all wrongdoing.

Ethics Loopholes

Why not? Virginia’s laughable Ethics Code makes almost any gift to a public official legal as long as you disclose it.

Maryland’s Ethics Code is even more of a Swiss cheese affair. Mandel as governor issued this code of conduct, making it applicable “to all officers and employees of the executive branch.”

It made it unethical to do exactly what Mandel later carried out.

But here’s the catch: Maryland’s Ethics Code doesn’t apply to constitutionally elected officers, i.e., the governor.

So Mandel can say with a straight face he did nothing wrong under the state’s code of conduct. Let’s call it “technical deniability.”

High Public Expectations

Still, neither he nor McDonnell could evade the long arm of federal prosecutors.

In Virginia, a jury convicted McDonnell of conspiracy, bribery and extortion. He could be sent off to prison, but if so his stay almost surely will be brief compared with Mandel’s 19 months behind bars.

Neither man understood what was expected of them as elected public officials.

They were living under an old-fashioned standard of acceptable political behavior: Take whatever you can get as long as you do it quietly and don’t directly harm the public.

That’s not how citizens view public service today, or in the 1970s. They expect their leaders will act ethically. Don’t accept valuable gifts, even from close friends. Don’t do favors for your friends. Don’t grease the wheels for your friends.

It’s not hard to understand. Politicians in high office, though, sometimes forget they’re expected to be above suspicion.

McDonnell now is paying the price for his failure to pay attention. Had he studied Mandel’s political and personal downfall, he might not have ruined his life — and his reputation.

#  #  #

Child Immigration and MD — II

Sometimes an opinion article hits a nerve.

In this case, my column on Maryland Republican officials, child immigration from Central America, and what to do locally about these children, sent a number of the GOP faithful into conniptions.Contemplated immigration site in Westminster

Dan Bongino, the GOP candidate for Congress in the Montgomery County-Western Maryland district, called the column a “hate-filled, ignorant, one-sided piece. . .. so full of vitriol and emotion. . . . [it] should have never been published. There is already a movement growing, among a large group of grassroots activists, to respond.”

They did – along with many others.

Len Lazarick, who publishes MarylandReporter.com, an essential aggregator of news and commentary on Maryland politics and government, ran my column and later ran responses from Republican Congressman Andy Harris and Republican Del. Pat McDonough, among others.

MarylandReporter.com

Len also ran a lengthy defense of Republican immigration policy and a frontal attack on the Democrats’ immigration policy (and my “slanderous, outrageous” column) signed by Diana Waterman, chair of the state GOP.

Another former elected official sent me this response:

“Barry,

“This has got to be the most outrageously partisan[,] myopic, and uninformed column you have ever spewed out. I might try to respond but it would not be worth my time.

“Disgusted,

“Ellen Sauerbrey”

What follows are some of the other reactions.

From Billy Earl:

“Brilliant piece, spot on. . .”

From Jeff:

“[Y]ou were right when you said this: ‘The best way to stop this unwanted influx is to become involved in helping Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala crack down on criminal activity, to bolster health and education opportunities and to encourage business development.’

“How could anyone disagree with this? It is shameful that Mr. Bongino called for your firing for an opinion piece. I am a life-long Republican and I have never found his presence comfortable. . . .

“I do not support the Governor’s actions or those who have spoken up on this issue because I find that both sides are just reading polls and trying to get attention. I find it classless all the way around.”

From Diane:

“Personally, I think [Rascovar is] full of s**t on this issue, but I am glad you posted it, and hope you keep it online, so people can form their own judgments on the issue and on Rascovar’s opinions. . . .”

“If the column reduces Rascovar’s readership or influence, or lowers public opinion of his value, so be it–he’s entitled to say what he thinks and we are entitled to draw whatever conclusions we wish about him. My personal opinion of him has taken a major hit.”

From Sarah:

“Yeah, I know you and Len took a lot of flak for it, and maybe you did paint with a broad brush, but I appreciated your opinion piece. . . . Someone had to say it.”

From AB:

“I’m a registered Republican and I thank you for this column.  Your courage and insight are appreciated always, at least by [my] family.”

 From Margaret:

“I’m not familiar with you or your column. . . . [P]eople want something for nothing and there are politicians in this country who are spreading the rumor in [C]entral and [S]outh American countries that they can get it here. Unfortunately WE Americans are sick to death of paying for the problems of non-residents. . .  It is not the American way.”

From Pete:

“That piece is really beneath you, filled with ad hominem vitriol. You have to ask yourself why nothing has been done on Immigration reform, and why these children are causing such a ruckus. For years, the ‘gentlemen’s agreement’ between the two sides of the aisle has been that the Democrats don’t do anything substantive about halting the flood of illegals since they generally partake of Democrat social programs, and so vote Democrat. Since they’re illegal, they get paid under the table, so Republican business interests can pay them as little as they like. So far, so good. Now, kids are coming in, whom the Democrats like, but who won’t be working for Republicans anytime soon. Oops.”

From Jack:

“I appreciate you trying to be a reporter of sorts but I would get your facts straight before posting. People will appreciate your views much better.”

“I didn’t bother reading all of your article because nothing seemed factual . . .

“Keep reporting Barry but at least research. Most of what I read isn’t true.”

From Mark:

“Usually your columns are very insightful. Not today. I suppose everyone deserves a vacation once in a while.

“First and foremost, you conflate legal and illegal immigration. . . .

“Second, since when is appropriate [to] use graffiti to characterize a political party’s position? . . .

“Third, you mischaracterize the historic position of the Republican Party on immigration. . .

“Finally, is there a more eloquent articulation of pro-immigration position than in Ronald Reagan’s Farewell Address? . . .”

 Jeff’s response:

“I suggest you pull this article immediately. It is so full of lies and misinformation and fabrications, that you better hope that you don’t get sued by the GOP.

“Pull it immediately until you have factual information.  And you know I can call you out on it being a blogger myself.  It’s horse**** ”

Finally, from Jerry:

“Wow!  What do you really think about the child immigrants? And our neo-Know Nothings in the Republican Party?  Well said!!”

*     *     *     *     *

One of the goals of column-writing is to stimulate discourse and discussion.

The column I wrote focused almost exclusively on how certain state Republican officials have reacted to the recent wave of child immigration. I avoided getting into the broader immigration issue that has tied national Republicans and Democrats in knots.

The central point of the column was this:

As Americans, we have an obligation to humanely care and shelter these children until their cases are resolved. Maryland Republican officials mentioned in the column opposed the “helping hand” approach proposed by local religious and government leaders.

I found that misguided, and that’s what it wrote.

Little, if any, of the responses from Maryland Republicans have offered sensible suggestions on how to humanely care for these children locally while they await their fate.

That’s unfortunate.

Maybe the next round of missives will return to that pivotal question and give us some thoughtful answers.

######

 

Immigration Quandary

By Barry Rascovar

July 28, 2014 — Are Republicans poor spellers?

They might be, judging from the graffiti (“NO ILLEAGLES HERE”) spray painted on a former Carroll County military building. It briefly was under consideration as housing for immigrant children fleeing violence in Central America.

Contemplated immigration site in Westminster

Contemplated immigration site in Westminster

Or is it just that Republicans are narrow-minded bigots?

It seems they don’t want people entering this country unless immigrants are Anglo-Saxon Christians who believe the “G” in GOP stands for God.

Republican History

Hostility toward immigrants is in the Grand Old Party’s DNA.

The Republican Party started as a coalition of anti-slavery groups and the Know-Nothing Party (formally known in states as the American Party or the Native American Party).

The Know-Nothings’ near-hysterical hostility toward Irish-Catholics and Germans later turned into anti-Chinese venom.

Keeping “them” out of the U.S. of A. has morphed into today’s sweeping condemnation of 57,000 children from non-English-speaking, heavily Catholic nations in Central America who have crossed the border.

‘Combat Zone’

Frederick County’s arch-enemy of immigrants, Sheriff Chuck Jenkins, recently toured part of the Texas-Mexico border, declared it a “combat zone” and called for full militarization.

Sheriff Chuck Jenkins of Frederick County

Sheriff Chuck Jenkins of Frederick County

Fortress America, here we come!

“We’re being invaded by drug cartels, drug smugglers, human traffickers,” the sheriff railed.

Huh?

Unaccompanied children are crossing the border, not gun-toting thugs and narco terrorists.

And in Baltimore County. . .

You’d never know that by listening to Del. Wade Kach or Councilman Todd Huff of Baltimore County.

The two Republicans have joined the anti-immigrant mob.

They’re upset Catholic Charities wants to house 50 children from Central America at its secluded St. Vincent’s Villa that tends to children with severe emotional and behavioral problems — and which originally opened 174 years ago as an orphanage for immigrant children.

Meanwhile, Republican Baltimore County Del. Pat McDonough, who never misses a shot at outrageous publicity, is calling for the erection of tent cities along the border and immediate deportation of “them.”

Congressional Intervention

Then there’s the irrepressible Republican naysayer, Congressman Andy Harris.

He was quick to announce his bombastic opposition to Central American kids living temporarily at a former Army Reserve building in Westminster – a locale that is not in his district.

Harris, an anesthesiologist, cited among other reasons “the potential health risks to the community” — as though these kids were carrying the Bubonic Plague.

He wants the 57,000 children deported to their home country “and get back in line.”

Discrimination is alive and well in the Republican Party’s Maryland branch.

Christian Response

Catholic Charities’ proposal, thankfully, does not follow Republican Party dicta.

Instead, it follows Christian teachings that most Republicans ostensibly say they follow.

This is, as Pope Francis pointed out, a “humanitarian emergency” involving unaccompanied children in a foreign land. We must first protect and care for these children, the pope said.

Pope Francis

Pope Francis

Catholic Charities is extending the good work it does by undertaking this new mission at St. Vincent’s Villa in Timonium.

It’s not a permanent solution but rather a helping hand for 50 kids while their situations are sorted out. What’s wrong with that?

Governor’s Response

How does Maryland suffer from a local charity assisting some of the needy, regardless of their place of origin?

Gov. Martin O’Malley understands.

Gov. Martin O'Malley

Gov. Martin O’Malley

He first complained to the White House about placing kids at a Westminster facility lacking security or running water – not to mention the seething animus in Carroll County toward outsiders (especially Spanish-speaking “illeagals” who might pollute Carroll’s idyllic surroundings).

He was right to tell the White House it was a ridiculous idea.

There are far better ways to assist these kids — such as finding compatible settings near Washington, where there are large Hispanic communities (and proximity to Central American embassies) or in Baltimore City, with its own Spanish-speaking enclave and ample support services.

NIMBY Republicans

The Republican line is that this crisis is “a federal problem” created by the hated Obama administration, which should handle this matter itself.

Republican NIMBYism is alive and well: Let someone else care for these desperate kids, all 57,000 of them.

Just make sure the federal refugee camps are “not in my back yard.”

What’s confronting the United States is a major human dilemma. It won’t be solved solely by the White House. It will take a combined effort by sympathetic states, non-profit groups and the federal government.

Republicans, though, don’t want any part of extending charity to these kids.

The best way to stop this unwanted influx is to help Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala curb criminal activity, bolster health and education opportunities and encourage business development that translates into jobs.

Republicans will have none of that.

They don’t want immigrants coming to this country and they don’t want to help other countries stem the tide, either.

Their only answer is stationing armed troops on our southern border.

Baltimore Archbishop William Lori calls this problem “a test of the moral character of our nation. This is not a time for political posturing. . .”

Sadly, Republicans aren’t listening.

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Casino-nomics: The Good, the Bad

By Barry Rascovar

July 17, 2014 — Once upon a time, casinos looked like the salvation of Atlantic City, a famed but dilapidated resort town on the Jersey shore.

Historic Atlantic City

For well over a quarter-century, New Jersey’s gamble worked.

Unfortunately, state and local politicians failed to reinvest the taxes flowing from a dozen casinos into Atlantic City. It remained a depressing, down-on-its-luck town of impoverished minorities surrounded by glitzy hotel-casinos.

Now the bubble has burst.

Out of State Competition

Pennsylvania, Delaware and New York gambling casinos have set Atlantic City on its heels.

Maryland’s initial entries — at Perryville and outside Ocean City — were too small and poorly run to create a problem for the Jersey resort.

But when David Cordish’s huge Maryland Live! Casino opened, Atlantic City took a big hit.

Maryland Live!

Maryland Live!

The growing number of casinos in the Northeastern U.S. is delivering staggering blows to the former Queen of the Atlantic Resorts.

The jobs of 7,000 Atlantic City casino workers could disappear by Labor Day — a stunning number for a community of 40,000.

One casino, the Atlantic Club (formerly the Hilton and before that the Golden Nugget), went out of business in January.

Atlantic Club

Shuttered Atlantic Club

Two more casinos are definitely shutting after August — Trump Plaza and Showboat, owned by Caesars Entertainment.

Showboat Casino closes in September

Showboat Casino closes in September

A fourth hotel-casino along the boardwalk, the spectacular and expensive ($2.4 billion) Revel high-rise, is in bankruptcy for the second time. It will be shuttered in mid-September unless a buyer surfaces.

 

Revel Hotel and Casino

Revel Hotel and Casino

More closings are possible.

Caesars Entertainment, for instance, is wallowing in a sea of debt and must increase the profitability of its three remaining Atlantic City properties.

Others, like Resorts International, can’t overcome aging buildings and lack of drawing power in the winter months.

Resorts International

Resorts International

It was bound to happen.

Atlantic City eagerly let too many casinos open their doors. Now the town is over-saturated with giant gambling hotels. A contraction was inevitable.

City and state officials  never planned for the day when competing casinos would surface in nearby states, thus shrinking Atlantic City’s gambling market. They placed all their economic bets on the gaming industry.

Now town officials are belatedly scrambling to rejuvenate Atlantic City and bring in other attractions before blight and despair set in around the hulking, abandoned gaming halls and hotels.

Success at Maryland Live!

Maryland, meanwhile, is profiting handsomely from its long-delayed entry into casino-nomics.

Cordish has shown the way, outmaneuvering racetrack owners and creating a mecca for lovers of casinos.

Maryland Live! is now the most profitable full-service gambling site on the East Coast.

In June, Maryland Live! raked in $56.5 million, $8 million more than Atlantic City’s Vegas-like casino, Borgata, situated several miles from the resort’s boardwalk.

Borgata complex

Borgata complex

Business is booming on Maryland Live!’s casino floor and restaurants. Locating the facility in one of the East Coast’s most popular shopping malls, Arundel Mills, proved a huge asset.

Yet those halcyon days are coming to an end for Cordish.

In late August, Caesar’s will open its Horseshoe Baltimore casino near Ravens Stadium.

It will cut into Maryland Live!’s gambling revenue by as much as one-third.

There’s more bad news coming: Completion of the MGM National Harbor casino overlooking the Potomac River and the Capital Beltway in late 2016.

MGM National Harbor

MGM National Harbor

This will be the most elegant and trendy gambling joint in the region, ideally situated to draw customers from Washington, D.C., Virginia, the Carolinas and Prince George’s County.

Still, Cordish’s complex — on the lower floor of a parking garage — will remain quite profitable.

That’s because Maryland capped the number of in-state casinos at six.

Moreover, the chances of Virginia joining the casino craze are highly unlikely.

Meanwhile, Maryland’s future Big Three — in Baltimore, National Harbor and Arundel Mills — will compete for gambling customers without fear of other entrants diluting the market.

Rural Casinos in Maryland

Maryland’s three smaller casinos are surviving, though at a lesser level of success.

Penn National’s poorly conceived and poorly run Perryville casino in Cecil County should be thriving given its location directly off an I-95 exit.

Hollywood Perryville

Hollywood Perryville

But Penn National threw up a bland, warehouse-like structure in an out-of-sight valley. It has failed to offer gamblers much in the way of entertainment, excitement or value.

Yet Hollywood Perryville took in $7 million in June. Not bad, but it hardly taps the site’s potential.

Harness Racing and Slots

Bill Rickman’s Ocean Downs casino and race track near Ocean City stubbornly refuses to offer table games.

Still, its 800 slot machines do exceptionally well in the summer months, taking in $4.8 million in June — an average of $200 per day per machine.

Rickman, whose main money-maker is the Delaware Park casino and race track near Wilmington, has an added advantage at Ocean Downs: He gets a slice of slots revenue from other Maryland casinos to boost racing purses and make track improvements at his Ocean Downs harness oval.

It’s a great package deal.

Western Maryland Casino

Maryland’s other small casino, at Rocky Gap Lodge near Cumberland, is still in its developmental stage.

Yet it took in $3.7 million in gambling revenue in June from 577 slot machines ($186 from each device per day) and 16 gaming tables.

Rocky Gap near Cumberland

Rocky Gap near Cumberland

With savvy management and marketing by Lakes Entertainment, Rocky Gap could evolve into a popular resort destination offering far more than gambling — a championship golf course, a comedy club, 215 hotel rooms, a convention center and a lakeside location in a state park.

Lakes Entertainment benefits from the fact it bought Rocky Gap on the cheap from the state, which was desperate to reinvigorate the picturesque lodge built with state funds.

It paid the state just $6.8 million and has poured another $25 million or so into upgrades. Gambling revenue will help make the resort much more viable.

Rocky Gap

Rocky Gap

Unlike Atlantic City, Maryland never viewed gambling as an economic development savior.

It’s a pleasant economic bonus for Maryland’s education coffers and a generator of lots of decent-paying jobs for the state.

Casinos can’t be viewed as a long-term growth industry, though. More likely, the six casinos will turn into steady generators of state tax revenue, much like the state lottery.

slots

With no back-up plan, the end of the casino boom is a calamity for Atlantic City.

In Maryland, legalized gambling at a limited number of locations has a far better chance of becoming a long-term survivor.

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